Chris Paul Otaigbe
Shortly after he took over on August 27, 1985, after a successful military coup against then Major General Muhammadu Buhari’s regime, Ibrahim Babangida, then a two-star General and Nigeria’s Chief of Army Staff proclaimed himself as military president and promised to end military rule in the country and hand over to a civilian government in 1990.
Babangida, a member of the military junta that ended Nigeria’s second republic after booting out President Shehu Shagari’s lackluster civilian administration on December 31st 1983, made the announcement riding on the crest of public disenchantment with the draconian 20 months old Buhari military administration. He presented a picture, to the media and the public, of an affectionate and a considerate leader whose actions would be guided by public opinion, but events and actions of his administration later proved these to be mere deceit.
The planned return to civil rule in 1990 was one of several populist programmes introduced by the Babangida regime in 1986 and the Minna, Niger State born Army General enjoined wide public support for the announcement.
A constituent assembly to write a new national constitution was set up alongside other national bodies, including the political bureau,to midwife the third republic and send the soldiers back to their barracks.
The constitution of the Third Republic was drafted in 1989, leaning heavily on the 1979 (second republic constitution) which was patterned after the American presidential system of government.
Though he promised a return to civil rule in 1990, not many Nigerians were convinced of Babangida’s sincerity. And the first sign of the unreliability of his promise came shortly after when the 1990 date for a return to democracy was subsequently pushed back, first to 1992 and later to 1993. This caused some dissenting views but the majority, though skeptical, still gave him the benefit of the doubt.
On July 2, 1987, he announced a political plan to guide Nigeria from military rule to civilian democracy by 1992. He said five years would be needed to prepare Nigeria for civilian rule.
Earlier that day, the Government released a 168-page white paper that detailed the transition to civilian rule.
The five-year blueprint was approved by Nigeria’s Armed Forces Ruling Council, which is composed of 19 military officers.
This version, that was eventually endorsed, differed on several points from a similar report prepared that year by a Government commission composed largely of intellectuals.
The timetable provided for local non-party elections in 1987, a constituent assembly in 1988, removal of a ban on party politics in 1989, state elections and census in 1991, and local, state and Federal elections in 1992.
But in one major change, the number of political parties was limited to two. In Nigeria’s last election, in 1983, six parties fielded candidates.
Provisions that did not change included: a two-chamber Federal Congress, single-chamber legislatures for Nigeria’s 19 states, and a restriction limiting presidents to two terms of four years each.
Two members of a commission of eight that to oversee the elections were active-duty military officers of a rank of lieutenant colonel or above.
With the Rules set, the coast was cleared in spring 1989 for political parties to start political activities.
According to britannica.com, “although Babangida voided presidential primary elections held in 1992, and all the candidates were banned from politics, a presidential election was slated for June 1993 between two pro-government candidates: Chief M.K.O. Abiola of the SDP and Alhaji Bashir Tofa of the NRC. The Babangida government believed that the elections would never take place and felt that, even if they did, the north-south divide would lead to a stalemate, as Abiola came from the south and Tofa from the north. Contrary to government expectation, however, the election was held on schedule, and it was free, fair, and peaceful. Chief Abiola won, but Babangida annulled the results before they became official. This turned out to be a serious miscalculation that forced him out of power in August 1993, and an Interim National Government (ING) was instituted, led by Yorubabusinessman Ernest Shonekan.”
PRE AND POST JUNE 12 CHRONOLOGY
March 27-31, 1993: Businessman, Alhaji Bashir Tofa secures National Republican Convention (NRC) presidential ticket while Chief Moshood Abiola, publisher of the Concord Group of Newspapers becomes Social Democratic Party (SDP) presidential flag bearer.
April 17, 1993: The National Assembly convenes for the first time and immediately resolves to oppose any effort to disrupt the transition to civil rule programme.
June 4, 1993: The President dissolves the Armed Forces Ruling Council and replaces it with the National Defense and Security Council (NDSC). In the same vein, the Council of Ministers was supplanted by the Transitional Council (TC).
June 10, 1993: The Abuja High Court, with Justice Bassey Ikpeme presiding, issues an order restraining NEC from conducting the presidential election on June 12, 1993. This follows a suit brought by a largely ‘shadowy organization’, the Association for Better Nigeria (ABN), headed by Chief Arthur Nzeribe, a disqualified presidential aspirant. Michael O’Brien of the US Information Agency in Lagos issues a statement that postponement of the elections is ‘unacceptable’ to the US government.
June 12, 1993: National Electoral Commission (NEC) conducts presidential elections in defiance of the Abuja High Court Order. Nigerians and foreign observers describe the elections as the freest and fairest the country has ever experienced.
June 14, 1993: NEC publishes results from fifteen states on its billboard outside its headquarters at Abuja showing that M.K.O Abiola is leading in all regions of the country including Bashir Tofa’s home state, Kano.
June 14, 1993: Government swears in a 7-member presidential election tribunal.
June 15, 1993: Another interim Order by an Abuja Court restrains NEC from releasing the results of the presidential elections.
June 16, 1993: NEC shelves the release of the final results of the election because of developments and actions pending in courts until further notice.
June 22, 1993: NEC goes to the Court of Appeal to challenge the interim injunction by the Abuja High Court.
June 23, 1993: The Government annuls the results of the June 12 elections in a most bizarre manner; nullifies all the relevant court decisions, suspends NEC through an unsigned terse statement thus: “…..
From here on, the line had been drawn and the country had gone on a heat that would threaten its very foundation for the five to six years as the people began to resist the brazen disregard for their collective democratic decision.
June 24-29, 1993: Abiola declares himself president-elect; individuals and groups protest the annulment of the elections. Abiola in his declaration said”…
June 30, 1993: Campaign for Democracy (CD) an umbrella organization for no fewer than 40 NGOS/Human Rights Groups, calls for a one-week nationwide protest to begin on July 5.
July 1, 1993: British Foreign Secretary, Douglas Hurd, freezes new aids to Nigeria.
July 31, 1993: The National Defense and Security Council (NDSC) announces that an Interim National Government comprising of representatives of the NRC, the SDP, and leading military officers will be formed.
August 1, 1993: A group of thirty senators signs a joint motion asking the government to declare the winner of the June 12 election.
August 4, 1993: Abiola leaves Nigeria unannounced.
August 12, 1993: Government begins clamp down on activists all over the country.
Activism took on different hues and designs giving birth to various people-generated combatants such as the National Democratic Coalition (NADECO) which had prominent Nigerians such as Wole Soyinka, the Late Pa Anthony Enahoro, Air Commodore Dan Suleiman (rtf); Rear Admiral Ndubuisi Kanu (RTB) etc, the Afenifere led by the Late Pa Abraham Adesanya and the Oodua People’s Congress (OPC) founded by the Late Dr. Frederick Faseun among others.
June 23, 1993: The Government annuls the results of the June 12 elections in a most bizarre manner; nullifies all the relevant court decisions, suspends NEC through an unsigned terse statement. Babangida in a nationwide broadcast later gave reasons for the annulment. In his address to Nigerians he said “Fellow Nigerians, I address you today with a deep sense of world history and particularly of the history of our great country. In the aftermath of the recently annulled presidential election, I feel, as I believe you yourself feel, a profound sense of disappointment at the outcome of our last efforts at laying the foundation of a viable democratic system of government in Nigeria.
I therefore wish, on behalf of myself and members of the National Defence and Security Council and indeed of my entire administration, to feel with my fellow countrymen and women for the cancellation of the election. It was a rather disappointing experience in the course of carrying through the last election of the transition to civil rule programme. Nigeria has come a long way since this administration assumed power and leadership about eight years ago. In the attempt to grapple with the critical and monumental problems and challenges of national existence and social progress, this administration inaugurated and pursued sound and justifiable policies and programmes of reform. These policies and programmes have touched virtually all aspects of our national life – the economy, political process, social structures, external relations, bureaucracy and even the family system.
I believe strongly that in understanding, conception, formulation and articulation, these policies and programmes are not only sound but also comparatively unassailable. I believe too that history, with the passage of time, would certainly score the administration high in its governance of our country. Let me also express my deep conviction that the core strategy and structures of our reform policies and programmes, as enunciated in 1986/87, would, for a very long time, remain relevant and durable in the course of changing our country positively. I believe that at the exit of the administration from power, we would leave behind for prosperity a country with an economy, the structures of which have been turned around for good. The average Nigerian person has come to reconcile himself with the fact that his or her social progress remains essentially in his or her hands in collaboration with other fellow Nigerians and not merely relying on what government alone could provide for him or her. The days are gone for good, when men and women trooped to government establishments for employment and for benevolence.
This administration has built the foundation that would take Nigerians away from their previous colonially-induced motivations and the encumbrances of colonialism. We have laid the foundation for self-reliant economic development and social justice. We have established a new basis in our country in which economic liberalization would continue to flourish alongside democratic forces and deregulated power structure. In all these, the average Nigerian person has more than ever before this administration imbibed and assimilated the values of hard work, resilience and self-confidence. It is true that in the course of implementing our reform policies and programmes and especially because of the visionary zeal with which we approached the assignment and responded to incidental pressures of governance, we engendered a number of social forces in the country. This is so because we sought to challenge and transform extant social forces which had in the past impeded growth and development of our country.
We also sought to deal with the new forces to which our programmes of action gave rise. Thus in dealing with the dynamics of both the old and new social forces, we ran into certain difficulties. In particular, during the course of handling the interlocking relationships between the old and new political forces and institutions, some problems had arisen leading us into a number of difficulties and thereby necessitating our having to tamper with the rules and regulations laid down in the political programme. As a result, the administration unwittingly attracted enormous public suspicions of its intentions and objectives.
Accordingly, we have experienced certain shortfalls and conflicting responses to the pulls and pushes of governance in the course of policy implementation. I believe that areas of difficulties with the transition programme, especially from the last quarter of 1992 to the recent cancelled presidential election, derived primarily from the shortfalls in implementing the programmes of actions which, though objectively taken, may have caused a deviation from the original framework and structure of the programme.
Fellow Nigerians, it is true that by the cancelled presidential election, we all found the nation at a peculiar bar of history which was neither bargained for, nor was it envisaged in the reform programmes of transition as enunciated in 1986/87. In the circumstance, the administration had no option than to respond appropriately to the unfortunate experience of terminating the presidential election. Our actions are in full conformity with the original objectives of the transition to civil programme. It was also in conformity with the avowed commitment of the administration to advance the cause of national unity, stability, and democracy. In annulling the presidential election, this administration was keenly aware of its promise in November 1992 that it would disengage and institute a return to democracy on August 27, 1993.
We are determined to keep the promise. Since this transition, and indeed any transition, must have an end, I believe that our transition programme should and must come to an end, honestly and honourably. History will bear witness that as an administration we have always striven, in all our policy decisions, to build the foundation of lasting democracy. Lasting democracy is not a temporary show of excitement and manipulation by an over-articulate section of the elite and its captive audience; lasting democracy is a permanent diet to nurture the soul of the whole nation and the political process. Therefore, it is logical, as we have always insisted upon, that lasting democracy must be equated with political stability. Informed by our sad experience of history, we require nothing short of a foundation for lasting democracy.
As an administration, we cannot afford to leave Nigerian into a Third Republic with epileptic convulsions in its democratic health. Nigeria must therefore confront her own reality; she must solve her problems notwithstanding other existing models of democracy in other parts of the world. In my address to the nation in October 1992, when the first presidential primaries were cancelled, I had cause to remind our country men and women that there is nowhere in the world in which the practice of democracy is the same, even if the principles are similar and even for countries sharing the same intellectual tradition and cultural foundation. The history of our country is not the history of any other country in the world which is either practising advanced democracy or struggling to lay the foundation for democracy.
Yet, in spite of the uniqueness and peculiarities of Nigeria, there are certain prerequisites which constitute an irreducible minimum for democracy. Such essential factors include: A. Free and fair elections; B. Uncoerced expression of voters preference in election; C. Respect for electorate as unfettered final arbiter on elections; D. Decorum and fairness on the part of the electoral umpires; E. Absolute respect for the rule of law. Fellow Nigerians, you would recall that it was precisely because the presidential primaries of last year did not meet the basic requirements of free and fair election that the Armed Forces Ruling Council had good reason to cancel those primaries. The recently annulled presidential election was similarly afflicted by these problems. Even before the presidential election, and indeed at the party conventions, we had full knowledge of the bad signals pertaining to the enormous breach of the rules and regulations of democratic elections.
But because we were determined to keep faith with the deadline of 27th August, 1993 for the return to civil rule, we overlooked the reported breaches. Unfortunately, these breaches continued into the presidential election of June 12, 1993, on an even greater proportion. There were allegations of irregularities and other acts of bad conduct leveled against the presidential candidates but NEC went ahead and cleared them. There were proofs as well as documented evidence of widespread use of money during the party primaries as well as the presidential election. These were the same bad conduct for which the party presidential primaries of 1992 were cancelled. Evidence available to government put the total amount of money spent by the presidential candidates at over two billion, one hundred million naira (N2.1 billion). The use of money was again the major source of undermining the electoral process. Both these allegations and evidence were known to the National Defence and Security Council before the holding of the June 12, 1993 election, the National Defence and Security Council overlooked these areas of problems in its determination to fulfill the promise to hand over to an elected president on due date.
Apart from the tremendous negative use of money during the party primaries and presidential election, there were moral issues which were also overlooked by the Defence and National Security Council. There were cases of documented and confirmed conflict of interest between the government and both presidential candidates which would compromise their positions and responsibilities were they to become president. We believe that politics and government are not ends in themselves. Rather, service and effective amelioration of the condition of our people must remain the true purpose of politics. It is true that the presidential election was generally seen to be free, fair and peaceful.
However, there was in fact a huge array of electoral malpractices virtually in all the states of the federation before the actual voting began. There were authenticated reports of the electoral malpractices against party agents, officials of the National Electoral Commission and also some members of the electorate. If all of these were clear violations of the electoral law, there were proofs of manipulations through offer and acceptance of money and other forms of inducement against officials of the National Electoral Commission and members of the electorate. There were also evidence of conflict in the process of authentication and clearance of credentials of the presidential candidates.
Indeed, up to the last few hours of the election, we continued, in our earnest steadfastness with our transition deadline, to overlook vital facts. For example, following the Council’s deliberation which followed the court injunction suspending the election, majority of members of the National Defence and Security Council supported postponement of the election by one week. This was to allow NEC enough time to reach all the voters, especially in the rural areas, about the postponement. But persuaded by NEC that it was capable of relaying the information to the entire electorate within the few hours left before the election, the Council, unfortunately, dropped the idea of shifting the voting day. Now, we know better. The conduct of the election, the behaviour of the candidates and post-election responses continued to elicit signals which the nation can only ignore at its peril.
It is against the foregoing background that the administration became highly concerned when these political conflicts and breaches were carried to the court. It must be acknowledged that the performance of the judiciary on this occasion was less than satisfactory. The judiciary has been the bastion of the hopes and liberties of our citizens. Therefore, when it became clear that the courts had become intimidated and subjected to the manipulation of the political process, and vested interests, then the entire political system was in clear dangers. This administration could not continue to watch the various high courts carry on their long drawn out processes and contradictory decisions while the nation slides into chaos. It was under this circumstance that the National Defence and Security Council decided that it is in the supreme interest of law and order, political stability and peace that the presidential election be annulled.
As an administration, we have had special interest and concern not only for the immediate needs of our society, but also in laying the foundation for generations to come. To continue action on the basis of the June 12, 1993 election, and to proclaim and swear in a president who encouraged a campaign of divide and rule among our ethnic groups would have been detrimental to the survival of the Third Republic. Our need is for peace, stability and continuity of politics in the interest of all our people. Fellow countrymen and women, although the National Electoral Commission and the Centre for Democratic Studies officially invited foreign observers for the presidential election, the administration also considered it, as important as a democratic society, that our activities and electoral conduct must be open not only to the citizenry of our country but also to the rest of the world.
In spite of this commitment, the administration did not and cannot accept that foreign countries should interfere in our internal affairs and undermine our sovereignty. The presidential election was not an exercise imposed on Nigerians by the United Nations or by the wishes of some global policemen of democracy. It was a decision embarked upon independently by the government of our country and for the interest of our country. This is because we believe, just like other countries, that democracy and democratization are primary values which Nigerians should cultivate, sustain and consolidate so as to enhance freedom, liberties and social development of the citizenry. The actions of these foreign countries are most unfortunate and highly regrettable. There is nowhere in the history of our country or indeed of the third world where these countries can be said to love Nigeria or Nigerians any more than the love we have for ourselves and for our country. Neither can they claim to love Nigeria any more than this administration loves our country.
Accordingly, I wish to state that this administration will take necessary action against any interest groups that seek to interfere in our internal affairs. In this vein, I wish to place on record the appreciation of this administration for the patience and understanding of Nigerians, the French, the Germans, the Russians and Irish governments in the current situation. I appeal to our fellow countrymen and women and indeed our foreign detractors that they should cultivate proper understanding and appreciation of the peculiar historic circumstances in the development of our country and the determination not only of this administration but indeed of all Nigerians to resolve the current crises. Fellow Nigerians, the National Security and Defence Council has met several times since the June 12, 1993 election.
The council has fully deliberated not only on our avowed commitment but also to bequeathing to posterity a sound economic and political base in our country and we shall do so with honour. In our deliberations, we have also taken note of several extensive consultations with other members of this administration, with officers and men of the Armed Forces and with well-meaning Nigerian leaders of thought. We are committed to handing over power on 27th August, 1993.
Accordingly, the National Defence and Security Council has decided that, by the end of July 1993, the two political parties, under the supervision of a recomposed National Electoral Commission, will put in place the necessary process for the emergence of two presidential candidates. This shall be conducted according to the rules and regulations governing the election of the president of the country. In this connection, government will, in consultation with the two political parties and National Electoral Commission, agree as to the best and quickest process of conducting the election. In the light of our recent experience and, given the mood of the nation, the National Defence and Security Council has imposed additional conditions as a way of widening and deepening the base of electing the president and sanitizing the electoral process.
Accordingly, the candidates for the coming election must: (1) Not be less than 50 years old; (2) Have not been convicted of any crime; (3) Believe, by act of faith and practice, in the corporate existence of Nigeria; (4) Possess records of personal, corporate and business interests which do not conflict with national interests; (5) Have been registered members of either of the two political parties for at least one year to this election. All those previously banned from participating in the transition process, other than those with criminal records, are hereby unbanned. They can all henceforth participate in the electoral process. This is with a view to enriching the quality of candidature for the election and at the same time tap the leadership resources of our country to the fullest. The decree to this effect will be promulgated.
Fellow Nigerians, I wish to finally acknowledge the tremendous value of your patience and understanding, especially in the face of national provocation. I urge you to keep faith with the commitment of this administration. I enjoin you to keep faith with the unity, peace and stability of our country for this is the only country that you and I can call our own. Nowhere in the world, no matter the prompting and inducements of foreign countries, can Nigerians ever be regarded as first class citizens. Nigeria is the only country that we have. We must therefore renew our hope in Nigeria, and faith and confidence in ourselves for continued growth, development and progress.
From here on, the line had been drawn and the country had gone on a heat that would threaten its very foundation for the five to six years as the people began to resist the brazen disregard for their collective democratic decision.
June 30, 1993: Campaign for Democracy (CD) an umbrella organization for no fewer than 40 NGOS/Human Rights Groups, calls for a one-week nationwide protest to begin on July 5.
July 1, 1993: British Foreign Secretary, Douglas Hurd, freezes new aids to Nigeria.
July 31, 1993: The National Defense and Security Council (NDSC) announces that an Interim National Government comprising of representatives of the NRC, the SDP, and leading military officers will be formed.
August 1, 1993: A group of thirty senators signs a joint motion asking the government to declare the winner of the June 12 election.
August 4, 1993: Abiola leaves Nigeria unannounced.
August 12, 1993: Government begins clamp down on activists all over the country.
Activism took on different hues and designs giving birth to various people-generated combatants such as the National Democratic Coalition (NADECO) which had prominent Nigerians such as Wole Soyinka, the Late Pa Anthony Enahoro, Air Commodore Dan Suleiman (rtf); Rear Admiral Ndubuisi Kanu (RTB) etc, the Afenifere led by the Late Pa Abraham Adesanya and the Oodua People’s Congress (OPC) founded by the Late Dr. Frederick Faseun among others.
June 1994: Abiola in a last-ditch attempt to claim his mandate declares himself president-elect. Abiola in his June 11, 1994 declaration at Epetedo area of Lagos Island said :”People of Nigeria, exactly one year ago, you turned out in your millions to vote for me, Chief M.K.O. Abiola, as the President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria.
“But politicians in uniform, who call themselves soldiers but are more devious than any civilian would want to be, deprived you of your God-given right to be ruled by the President you had yourselves elected.
“These soldier-politicians introduced into our body politic, a concept hitherto unknown to our political lexicography, something strangely called the ‘annulment’ of an election perceived by all to have been the fairest, cleanest and most peaceful ever held in our nation.
“Since that abominable act of naked political armed robbery occurred, I have been constantly urged by people of goodwill, both in Nigeria and abroad, to put the matter back into the people’s hands and get them to actualise the mandate they gave me at the polls.
“But mindful of the need to ensure that peace continues to reign in our fragile federation, I have so far tried to pursue sweet reason and negotiation.
“My hope has always been to arouse whatever remnants of patriotism are left in the hearts of these thieves of your mandate, and to persuade them that they should not allow their personal desire to rule to usher our beloved country into an era of political instability and economic ruin.
“All I have sought to do, in seeking dialogue with them, has been to try and get them to realise that only real democracy can move our nation forward towards progress, and earn her the respect she deserves from the international community.
“However, although this peaceful approach has exposed me to severe censure by some who have mistaken it for weakness on my part, those with whom I have sought to dialogue have remained like stones, neither stirred to show loyalty to the collective decision of the people of their own country, nor to observe Allah’s injunction that they should exhibit justice and fair-play in all their dealings with their fellow men.
“Appeals to their honour as officers and gentlemen of the gallant Nigerian Armed Forces, have fallen on deaf ears.
“Instead, they have resorted to the tactics of divide and rule, bribery and political perfidy, misinformation and (vile) propaganda.
“They arrest everyone who disagrees with them. Even the 71-year old hero of our nation, Chief Anthony Enahoro, was not spared.
“How much longer can we tolerate all this? People of Nigeria, you are all witnesses that I have tried to climb the highest mountain, cross the deepest river and walk the longest mile, in order to get these men to obey the will of our people.
“There is no humiliation I have not endured, no snare that has not been put in my path, no ‘setup’ that has not been designed for me in my endeavour to use the path of peace to enforce the mandate that you bestowed on me one year ago.
“It has been a long night. But the dawn is here.
“Today, people of Nigeria, I join you all in saying, “Enough is Enough!”
“We have endured 24 years of military rule in our 34 years of independence.
“Military rule has led to our nation fighting a civil war with itself. Military rule has destabilised our nation today as not before in its history.
“Military rule has impoverished our people and introduced a dreadful trade in drugs which has made our country’s name an anathema in many parts of the world.
“Even soccer fans going to watch the Green Eagles display in America are being made to suffer there needlessly because Nigeria’s name is linked with credit card and fraud and ‘419.’
“Politically, military rule has torn to shreds the prestige due to our country because of its size and population.
“The permanent seat at the United Nations Security Council that should be rightfully ours, is all but lost.
“For who will vote for Nigeria to get the seat if Nigerian military rulers do not respect the votes of their own people?
“Enough of military rule.
“We are sickened to see people who have shown little or no personal achievement, either in building up private businesses, or making success of any tangible thing, being placed in charge of the management of our nation’s economy, by rulers who are not accountable to anyone.
“Enough of square pegs in round holes.
“We are tired of the military’s repetitive tendency to experiment with our economy: Today, they say “no controls.” Tomorrow; they say
“Full controls”. The day after, they say “Fine tuning”. The next day, they say “Devaluation.” A few days later, they say “Revalue the same naira upwards again Abi?”
“All we can see are the consequences of this permanent game of military “about turns;” high inflation, a huge budget deficit and an enormous foreign debt repayment burden, dying industries, high unemployment and a demoralised populace.
“Our youths, in particular, can see no hope on the horizon, and many can only dream of escaping from our shores to join the brain drain. Is this the Nigeria we want?
“We are plagued also by periodic balance of payments crises, which have led to a perennial shortage of essential drugs, that has turned our hospitals and clinics into mortuaries.
“A scarcity of books and equipment has rendered our schools into desolate deserts of ignorance.
“Our factories are crying for machinery, spare parts and raw materials. But each day that passes, instead of these economic diseases being cured, they are rather strengthened as an irrational allocation of foreign exchange based on favouritism and corruption becomes the order of the day.
“Enough is enough of economic mismanagement! People of Nigeria, during the election campaign last year, I presented you with a programme entitled “HOPE ’93.”
This programme was aimed precisely at solving these economic (problems) that have demoralised us all.
“I toured every part of Nigeria to present this programme to you the electorate. I was questioned on it at public rallies and press conferences and I had the privilege of incorporating into it much of the feedback that I obtained from the people.
“Because you knew I would not only listen to you but deliver superb results from the programme, you voted for me in your millions and gave me an overwhelming majority over my opponent.
“To be precise, you gave me 58.4 per cent of the popular vote and a majority in 20 out of 30 states plus the Federal Capital Territory, Abuja. Not only that, you also enabled me to fulfil the constitutional requirement that the winner should obtain one-third of the votes in two-thirds of the states.
“I am sure that when you cast an eye on the moribund state of Nigeria today, you ask yourselves: ‘What have we done to deserve this, when we have a president-elect who can lead a government that can change things for the better? Our patience has come to an end.’
“As of now, from this moment, a new Government of National Unity is in power throughout the length and breadth of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, led by me, Bashorun M.K.O. Abiola, as President and Commander-in-Chief.
“The National Assembly is hereby reconvened. All dismissed governors are reinstated. The State Assemblies are reconstituted, as are all local government councils.
“I urge them to adopt a bi-partisan approach to all the issues that come before them.
“At the national level, a bi-partisan approach will be our guiding principle. I call upon the usurper, General Sani Abacha, to announce his resignation forthwith, together with the rest of his illegal ruling council.
“We are prepared to enter into negotiations with them to work out the mechanics for a smooth transfer of power.
“I pledge that if they hand over quietly, they will be retired with all their entitlements, and their positions will be accorded all the respect due to them.
“For our objective is neither recrimination nor witch-hunting, but an enforcement of the will of the Nigerian people, as expressed in free elections conducted by the duly constituted authority of the time.
“I hereby invoke the mandate bestowed upon me by my victory in the said election, to call on all members of the Armed Forces and the Police, the Civil and Public Services throughout the Federal Republic of Nigeria, to obey only the Government of National Unity that is headed by me, your only elected President.
“My Government of National Unity is the only legitimate, constituted authority in the Federal Republic of Nigeria, as of now.
“People of Nigeria, these are challenging times in the history of our continent, Africa, and we in Nigeria must not allow ourselves to be left behind.
“Our struggle is the same as that waged by the people of South Africa, which has been successfully concluded, with the inauguration of Mr. Nelson Mandela as the first African President of that country.
“Nelson Mandela fought to replace MINORITY rule with MAJORITY rule.
“We in Nigeria are also fighting to replace MINORITY rule, for we are ruled by only a tiny section of our armed forces.
“Like the South Africans, we want MAJORITY rule today, that is rule only by those chosen by all the people of Nigeria as a whole in free and fair elections.
“The only difference between South Africa and Nigeria is that those who imposed minority rule on the majority rule whether it is by black or white, remains minority rule, and must be booted out.
“I call on you, heroic people of Nigeria, to emulate the actions of your brothers and sisters in South Africa and stand up as one person to throw away the yoke of minority rule for ever.
“The antics of every minority that oppresses the majority are always the same. They will try to intimidate you with threats of police action. But do not let us fear arrest.
“In South Africa, so many people were arrested, during the campaign against the Pass Laws, for instance, that the jails could not hold all of them. Today, apartheid is gone forever.
“So, let it be with Nigeria.
“Let us say goodbye forever to minority rule by the military.
“They talk of treason. But haven’t they heard of the Rivonia treason trial in South Africa? Did those treason trials halt the march of history?
“People of Nigeria, our time is now. You are the repository of power in the land.
“No one can give you power. It is yours. Take it!
“From this day, show to the world that anyone who takes the people of Nigeria for fools is deceiving himself and will have the people to answer to.
“God bless you all. Long live the Federal Republic of Nigeria. Long live the Government of National Unity.”
After the declaration speech, Abacha sent 200 police vehicles to arrest and detain Abiola on charges of treason.
Despite widespread criticism and pressure from several quarters, Abiola died in custody under suspicious circumstances on July 7, 1998, four years after his arrest.
