By Chris Paul Otaigbe
I had the opportunity of attending the 16th edition of the Chief Gani Fawehinmi Lecture/Symposium which held on the 15th of January, 2020 at the Airport Hotel, Ikeja.
It was one event that dominated the headlines before and after the show for virtually the whole of the penultimate week.
Graced by the top echelon of the Nigerian legal body and some Justices, the over two-hour program captured and treated the issues bedevilling our country. With a Femi Falana as MC, Monday Ubani as Planning Committee Chairman and an Olisa Agbakoba playing a speaking role, that for me, became the game-changer at that event, that Lecture played to its Billings.
If you didn’t know much about the problems of Nigeria, by the time you left the hall you would have been fully briefed of the challenges confronting the country. From Amotekun to Restructuring to the redefinition of federalism and its proposed variant, this edition was rich in content and less on sentiment.
One point all the speakers agreed upon was the fact that the principles of logic and order in the nation have broken down. But my take-home from that event was Agbakoba’s concept of cooperative federalism! His argument was that except the people are ready to revolt against the current system to actualize the restructuring agenda, restructuring cannot happen because no one would diminish their or leave power for you to plant some restructuring agenda. Rather, he said a tactically diplomatic improvisation would be the only way out of the logjam Nigeria has found herself today.
The novelty and profundity of Agbakoba’s federalism concept and the pushback by the many southern proponents of the restructuring agenda got me to go into history to know who is right, what is wrong, who is wrong and what is right.
The fact that this decades-old discourse was the point of deliberation at the program and in Lagos is quite significant. As we would discover later, Lagos played a central role in the evolution of the concept because it was then the focal location for the establishment of the structure and administration of the principle. But first, let us examine the concept called federalism.
Federalism has been present in Nigeria since the former British colony was reorganized into a federation of three regions in 1946. Regionalism was introduced to the Nigeria system by the Richards Constitution.
Federalism is a system of government in which governmental powers that exists in a country are shared between the central government and component regions. It is also defined as the system of government in which governmental powers are shared between the central government, i.e. the federal government and its components (state and local government).
Bernard Bourdillon, the Governor-general at that time initiated and laid the foundation of federalism in Nigeria in 1939 by creating three provinces. He later handed over the constitution to his successor Arthur Richards and it became the Richards Constitution of 1946. At the beginning of formal British indirect rule in 1901, Nigeria was divided into two regions: Northern and Southern, both of which were divided into provinces. From 1901 to 1958, the number of regions was increased to three through both acquisition of territories and partition from existing provinces.
However, while native-born chiefs and clerks were appointed to govern the provinces, the regions were governed by the British-appointed colonial authorities, and such regions were made dependent upon the colonial authorities for martial law, manpower and management of resources.
With the approach of independence, power over the regions was given to Nigerian-born citizens, and regional legislatures were established. By the time Nigeria declared herself a republic and replaced the post of Governor-General with the post of President, a national bicameral parliament was established and the country was considered a federation of the three regions. The Mid-Western Region was formed from the Western Region in 1966, and Lagos, the capital, was effectively governed as an unofficial fourth region outside the bounds of the Western Region.
After the first coup and under the short-lived military government of Aguiyi-Ironsi, the country was reorganized under a central government. Following the counter-coup which resulted in Aguiyi-Ironsi’s deposition and assassination, Nigeria was reorganized as a federal country, with three of the regions being divided into newer entities and all first-level subdivisions being renamed as states:
· Eastern Region was divided into East-Central (Enugu), Rivers (Port Harcourt), and South-Eastern (Calabar) states;
· Northern Region was divided into Benue-Plateau (Jos), Kano (Kano), Kwara (Ilorin), North-Central (Kaduna), North-Eastern (Maiduguri), and North-Western (Sokoto) states
· Western Region was divided into Lagos (Lagos) and Western (Ibadan) states.
The agitation of the Mid-Western and the states of former Eastern Region to secede from Nigeria as the states of Biafra and Republic of Benin, resulted in the Nigerian Civil War.
In 1976, six years after the end of the civil war, the states were further reorganized:
· Benue-Plateau state divided into Benue (Makurdi) and Plateau states;
· East-Central state divided into Anambra and Imo (Owerri) states;
· Federal Capital Territory (Abuja) formed from parts of Niger and Plateau states;
· North-Eastern state divided into Bauchi (Bauchi), Borno, and Gongola (Yola) states;
· Niger (Minna) state split from Sokoto;
· Western state divided into Ogun (Abeokuta), Ondo (Akure), and Oyo states
State boundaries and names were also reorganized.
The demand for the creation of newer states in Nigeria tends to emanate from sub-state groups, often ethnic- or tribal-interest groups, which accuse the current larger state governments of subverting or ignoring the interests and necessities of the more local regions.
A much-criticized effect of the current type of federalism, of 36 states from previous pre civil war three regions is the creation of a political subclass of state bureaucracies, often headed by governors who are accused of and sometimes successfully prosecuted for monetary corruption.
Furthermore, one of the outstanding peculiarities of Nigerian politics emanates from the promulgation of sharia law in the northern states, which is only applicable to Muslim residents, while Nigerian states outside the “sharia zone” operate their legal systems by common and customary law.
The indigenous founding fathers of Nigeria after considering many options settled for a Federal Constitution for Nigeria. The 1960 Independence and the 1963 Republican Constitutions were Federal Constitution. Nigeria could be said to have operated a Federal Constitution from 1960 to 1966.
The military, illegally, subverted the 1963 Constitution by taking over power from the elected Governments in Jan. 1966 through a coup d’état. Major-General Aguiyi Ironsi became the first military ruler in Nigeria in Jan 1966 in a dramatic fashion.
Decree No. 34., which General Ironsi promulgated on May 24, 1966, effectively and permanently restructured the country along a unitary system.
Amongst other things, the Decree said ‘Nigeria shall from the date of its declaration cease to be a Federation and shall accordingly as from that day be a Republic by the name of the Republic of Nigeria …’
This marked the birth of unitary system in Nigeria and the death of Federalism. He, however, pointed out that the Decree was to be entirely a transitional measure.
The Northern political elites and the Northern traditional institution opposed the letter and the spirit of the Decree 34. and expressed their opposition to the Decree 34 of Gen. Ironsi.
Gen. Ironsi responded to the opposition by restating the transitional nature of the Decree and defended the Decree on the ground that it was impossible for the military to operate a Federal form of Government because of its inherent unified command structure. Three days after the promulgation of the Decree on 27th May 1966, riot broke out in the North, a protracted development that led to the killing of many Easterners and they were mainly Igbos.
The Northern military officers staged a counter-coup that claimed the life of Gen. Ironsi and others in July 1966. The then Lt. Col. Yakubu Gowon became the Head of State three days after the assassination of Gen. Ironsi.
Gowon never agreed with the unitary system for Nigeria as he never hid his feelings about that structure of government. He was not a ‘unitary system of government man’ he once said. He had always believed in Federation of Nigeria, bearing in mind the setup of the country, the old regional set up, the various ethnic groups in the country. His position stemmed from the fact that such a system can never get the best of Nigerians.
When one considers the federal character concept and the quota system principle that have been entrenched in Nigeria’s constitution, Gowon is definitely right.
For him, that system of government could throw up administrations that would exhibit nepotistic tendencies and favouritism that would bury merit on the altar of trying to give some leverage to disadvantaged part of the country. His fears is what has become one of the tragedies that destroyed virtually all the nation’s institutions as merit is no longer yardstick to put people in positions of authority but on the basis of their ethnic or religious background.
At the Ad Hoc Constitutional Conference on the form of government system suitable for Nigeria, the Northern and Eastern delegations proposed a Confederal system of government. They also suggested that each region should be constituted into an autonomous state, with subjects of common interests to be delegated to common services commission. Each region or state was to have the right to secede completely and unilaterally from the union. In other words, both regions were on the same page concerning the type of federalism they desired.
While the Western delegation upheld that a federal system of government was the most suitable form of government for Nigeria due to its linguistic and ethnic heterogeneity, the leader of Western Region delegation, Chief Obafemi Awolowo pointed out that the attitudes of the North and the East make federalism unworkable at that point in history. The delegation then proposed a confederation or a commonwealth of Nigeria until such a time as peace returned to Nigeria.
The mid-Western Region delegation led by Chief Tony Enahoro strongly supported a Federal System of Government, stating that his delegation had only one mandate and that was a Federal System.
As the delegations were deliberating on the most suitable form of government for Nigeria and creation of States another round of killing occurred in the North and as usual the Igbos were massacred especially in Kano. This new unexpected development forced the conference to adjourn with the hope of reconvening on October 24. The Eastern delegation did not show up on October 24 and the conference was again adjourned to November 17. Events that followed the massacre of the Igbos and the general insecurity in the country forced Gowon to adjourn the proceedings of the conference indefinitely.
The political impasse deteriorated, while the absence of the Eastern delegation and the massive emigration of the Southerners, mostly the Easterners from the North to their regions, made it impossible for the Ad Hoc conference to convene. Nigeria was already on heat at this time.
With the country on fire, the head of state, Yakubu Gowon took a decision that had now become the structure of government the nation has continued to live with today. The decision he took was virtually inspired by Awolowo. As a matter of fact, the script Gowon read could have been written by Awolowo, the Western Leader.
“I should emphasize the idea of a temporary confederation is unworkable. In a confederation there will be no effective central authority. Each region as a virtually sovereign state can contract out or refuse to join any common service. Once we adopt the so-called temporary confederation because of the current difficulties it will be hard to come together again. This is not the futures to which we are entitled and we have no moral right to commit generations of Nigeria to this disastrous course.” He said.
Gowon rejected the positions of the Northern, Eastern and Western delegations in the Ad Hoc Conference and later announced that a new Constitution was to be drawn up later. He proposed that the new Federal Constitution must thus contain adequate safeguards to make domination impossible. “In the stable Federation no region should be large enough to be able to threaten secession or hold the rest of the Federation to ransom in times of national crisis. This brings me to the major question of the creation of new states. I wish to make it clear to the nation that honestly, I personally have no vested interest in the creation of any particular state, but there is no doubt that without a definite commitment on the states question, freedom from fear of domination by one region or the other cannot be achieved.” He said.
General Gowon later announced the principles for the creation of new States: The broad principles are:- 1. No State should be in position to dominate or control the central government; 2. Each State should form one compact geographical area; 3. Administrative convenience, the facts of history, and the wishes of the people concerned must be taken into account; 4. Each state should be in a position to discharge effectively the functions allocated to regional government. 5. It is also essential that the new States should be created simultaneously.
To the joy of the minorities in the and the North, Gowon created 12 States comprising six each from the South and the North. It was a political masterstroke. This resolved the inequity in the structure of the Federation. In the East the minorities were particularly happy and many of them outside the Eastern Nigeria trooped out to join the Federal troops. This led to dilution of support for Biafra. Col. Ojukwu promptly announced the secession of the Eastern Nigeria from Nigeria the third day after Gowon created states. Gowon had no option but to declare a State of Emergency throughout Nigeria. Expectedly, Nigeria slid to a civil war, which lasted for 30 months.
During this turbulent period, Gowon had demonstrated unmistakably his belief in Federalism. In his utterances he rejected both the unitary and confederal systems
Although Gowon appeared to believe in Federalism but his definition of Federalism is suspect. In May 1967, he said under the old Constitution, the regions were so large and powerful as to consider themselves self-sufficient and almost entirely independent. The Federal Government which ought to give a lead to the whole country was relegated to the background. The people were not made to realize that the Federal Government was the real government’. I agreed with him that the three regions were too large and powerful. It was in recognition of this fact that some people called for creation of States before independence. The British Government ignored the call for creation of State in sympathy with the wishes of the caliphate (North). However, his complaint that the regions / states were self-sufficient and almost entirely independent was anti-Federalism.
Federalism is not supposed to remove entirely the semi – autonomy and self-sufficiency of the federating units. Gowon’s complaint about the regions and state being self-sufficient contradicted the fourth item of the principles behind the creation of State: ‘each state should be in a position to discharge, effectively the functions allocated to regional government’. The notion that the Federal Government was the real government was lame and suspicious.
Gowon’s issue with powerful regions is paradoxical because his own complain against the regions is the very reason, his predecessor decided to foist the unitary structure on the country so the center can be more powerful with a paramount status and control over the three regions. So, there is nothing like real government as all tiers of government from Local, States to the Federal governments each have their roles they play in the administration and development of their individual units to the ultimate good of the whole.
Without a doubt, Gowon’s regime has turned out the best and most visionary of all the administrations that have governed the country. The people of Lagos State, for instance, would forever remember the Late Mobolaji Johnson as the most charismatic and visionary governor they have had yet. However, Gowon’s adoption of Ironsi’s policy of appointing Military officers to administer the States was an anti-democratic concept in a federalist government because the appointment of the governors was done without the permission of the people and therefore, whose allegiance would not be to the cause of the people but to the head of State who automatically becomes the supreme Leader superintending over all the units, arms and tiers of government. But one cannot blame Gowon because he is coming from the military where he is used to the structure of one single command similar to the culture of a unitary system.
To further diminish the size and status of the States, Gowon promulgated Decree No. 27 which limited the newly created States to enact laws only on residual matters. The States were to seek and obtain Federal Government consent on exercising their powers on concurrent legislative list. Decree 27 further imposed limitation to State power. This negated principle of Federalism while promoting principle of unitary system.
The Law regulating circulation of Newspaper was in the residual list (i.e. regional responsibility) of the 1963 Republican Constitution. However, Decree No. 17, 1967 promulgated by Gowon empowered the Head of Federal Military the power to prohibit the circulation of any newspaper in any part of Nigeria.
This decree was promulgated to prevent the circulation of a publication called ‘Nigerian Outlook’ later called Biafra Sun from circulating in other parts of Nigeria. While the promulgation of the Decree may be justified under a State of emergency it violated the principle of Federalism.
The creation of States unconsciously created some special administrative problem. For instance, the Northern Region that was split into six states had to share its assets and liabilities. Also, the regional staffs had to be deployed to different States. This administrative challenge would later be left to be tackled with the promulgation of Decree 18, 1967. The decree empowered the Head of Federal Military Government to appoint chairmen of councils that were set up to handle the special problems that emanated from the creation of States. With this decree the federal government was further empowered to have and rule the ‘pieced’ regions with absolute authority over the States which constituted the pieces of the three regions.
As can be observed, this part of the story is the foundation of the current challenge being interrogated by the creation of the Amotekun security initiative by the Southwest Governors. A situation where the Governors do not have powers to control the Commissioners of Police in their States and a scenario in which the federal security agencies’ effort to combat insecurity in their States have been proved to be insufficient.
Considering the fact that the country did not face the challenge she is facing now at that time, there was no way the integrity of the decrees especially the 18th Decree could have been tested. Nigeria was more peaceful, especially after the Civil war and the system was still working and the institutions were intact.
Decree No. 37 of 29th July 1968 empowered the Federal Government to probe the assets of public officers in all States of the Federation. This was in violation of true Federalism where the government of the federating units had the constitutional right to probe their public officers. The Decree incapacitated the States government in ensuring accountability.
Using the instruments of Decree promulgation, the Federal government took over the powers and functions of the regions. The 50th Decree of 1968, finally buried any civil or administrative strength of the federating States as it annulled the practice of the Regional / State marketing Board from taking loan from the private / commercial banks.
Through this Decree, the States marketing boards were compelled to source for funds from the Central Bank. The size of the loan was also fixed and the States’ marketing board was to get approval from the Central Bank before fixing the prices of their commodities. The Decree over regulated the economy of the States and was responsible for the disappearance of the ground nut pyramid, the collapse of cocoa farming business and the death of rubber plantation business. The Decree assaulted every fabric of Federalism.
The Federal government abolished export duties on marketing boards produce. This resulted in huge losses to the State marketing boards. By 1974/75 fiscal years, the Federal government assumed direct responsibility of fixing produce prices for marketing Board commodities.
Gowon’s administration later transferred primary and secondary education from residual list (exclusive state responsibility to the concurrent list, university education was also transferred from the concurrent list (i.e. both federal and state responsibilities) to the exclusive list (exclusive to federal alone). Also, more State roads were taken over by the Federal Government.
Gen. Gowon’s administration abolished differential prices of premium motor spirit(petrol) throughout Nigeria. Prices of this petroleum product normally increased according to the distance of the State from the depot. This was so because of cost of distribution. However, Gowon’s administration could not understand why Nigerians in Lagos or Port-Harcourt should buy cheaper fuel than Nigerians in Sokoto and Maiduguri. He ‘decreed’ uniform price petroleum product throughout Nigeria. The Federal government bore the cost of the price of distribution of petroleum product. This was the beginning of equalization fund which later became a haven for corruption courtesy of the petroleum subsidy.
As far as the military was concerned, uniformity is unity. It took exactly 29 years for the Federal Government led by Chief Obasanjo to bring genuineness to the distribution of petroleum products thus freeing the Federal government from enriching criminal Nigerian elites who were feeding fat on equalization fund.
In 1975 Gowon’s administration abolished the cattle tax called Jangali which was a steady source of revenue to the Northern Region. It was not a Federal tax. This resulted in a loss of substantial revenue to most of the Northern states.
Gowon’s administration also introduced uniform income tax throughout the Federation. The Decree No. 7 of 1975 that introduced the uniform personal tax system was to operate retroactively to April 1 1974(April 1 being the beginning of the financial year at the time). Most of the Southern States lost huge income through this Federal intervention. The introduction of this tax system was totally uncalled for in a heterogeneous society with different perception of what governance is all about.
Either by omission or commission, Gen. Gowon’s administration had through various Decrees impoverished the States and made the State governments redundant, uncreative and unproductive for the most part. This contradicted item four of his declared principles for the creation of States.
The agitation for Resource control by some Southern States some years back finds its inspiration or rationale from these Decree. For instance, a careful study of the revenue allocation policy of the key commodities will reveal an obvious disparity in the principle of allocation. For example, the Federal government takes 100% revenue of the import duty on beverages: Beer, wine and spirits. These beverages were largely consumed in the Southern part of Nigeria. The Muslim communities in the North were not supposed to consume beer, wine and spirits.
However, the financial benefit of the import duty in the Beverages was still passed to the Muslim Northern states through the Federal Governments via the sharing of Distributable Pool Account. The Distributable Pool Account was shared in the following format: (a) 50% on equal basis (b) 50% on population basis.
The other example is the allocation of export duties on produce, Hides and Skins allocation was based on 2/3 i.e. over 60% on derivation to the producing states. The far Northern states were the producing States of Hides and Skin. They enjoyed the 66% of the export Duty of what was derived from their States. The Southern states that do not produce Hides and Skin got little or nothing by this formula. Meanwhile, the Southern States that produce Oil and Gas get 13% Derivation, just as the revenue from the Oil produced in the area is the money that make up the largest part of the Fund allocated to all the States in the country.
From this historical journey into the origin of the concept of governance in post-independent Nigeria, it is obvious that the military decrees destroyed the fabric and strength of the regional system of administration in the country. The destruction has so degraded the spirit behind the confederal structure that made up the regional administration that, like a torn dress that was not stitched on time, the consequence of years of accumulated needless dependence of the Federating States on the center has finally come to manifest its ugly reality in a 21st century Nigeria.
As a result of the political control by the center and the economic dependence on the center by the States, productivity was reduced to virtually zero, creativity was diminished to obscurity. The consequence is hunger, anger and the feeling of injustice across the spectrum of the Nigerian society especially by the Southern part of the country.
So, Agbakoba was right when he said Restructuring as touted in Nigeria is a ‘Southern’ language. But as it stands today, the injury inflicted on the Nigerian State by these military decrees have deteriorated into sores that are currently issuing out pores, while the sight, stench and seriousness of the pain is telling fatally on the fabric of the Nigerian State.
But then, we cannot amputate the injured limb, if there is no need for it, in order to free ourselves from the pain. Particularly, where we know there are other non-limb cutting options that can save the whole body.
In other words, the obvious statutory disparity in resource generation, allocation, management and the general feeling of marginalization from certain parts of the country especially in the South should not be seen as an affront to the federal government but as a hint for the need for a dialogue to improvise a mutually beneficial compromise between the federal government and the federating states.
Similarly, the States/region that feel marginalized should not tolerate brigandage and sabotage of national infrastructure planted in their side of country as engaging in or encouraging such sabotage, overtly or covertly, would naturally come to hunt the concerned States because it would only amount to cutting your nose to spite your face.
Here, again, the Agbakoba’s Cooperative Federalism recipe for a more creative approach to the restructuring agenda becomes a master stroke. In the face of the evident, persistent or perceived injustice the South believe their part of the country is being subjected to, the immediate reaction is for a combative engagement of the system to retrieve their rights from the center. However, we are talking about power, here, nobody on this planet, particularly in Africa would surrender their control over you peacefully. Are we then saying the only option is a violent agitation to free the South from a perceived unfair domination by and deprivation of its rights and potentials? No!
Agbakoba’s cooperative Federalism has provided a resolution and a dignified escape from a possible anarchy should Nigeria continue on this path. The principle of the concept is anchored on the need for the federating and in this instance, agitating States to build their space first before engaging the center.
Amotekun is, perhaps finally, the illustrative idea of the kind of federalism and thus, restructuring agenda that would work within the context Nigeria has found herself today. As Agbakoba said “except the people are ready to take up arms and revolt against the system, restructuring cannot work.”
The Emir of Potiskum, Umara Bauya in Yobe State narrowly escaped death in a banditry attack that claimed a hundred lives, thirty of who were his aides, the upper week’s Friday, January 17, 2020. If an Amotekun had been present in that part of the country, it is not possible that such a tragedy would have befallen the State on that day. In any case, the Emir said the gun duel lasted over two hours. Where were the federal security agencies in all of this time when an important traditional ruler of the Emir’s caliber was under attack. Was there no one with a handset to call a number that would have alerted the agencies that would have showed up during the duel with aerial support which would have been on time to apprehend the criminals? But the Emir was rescued after two hours trek in the bush trying to escape the scene.
The tragic event can be likened to possible attack on the Ooni of Ife, or Oba of Lagos or Olubadan of Ibadan. Clearly, the Amotekun initiative has now become a poster innovation for the improvisation around the restructuring agenda, a tactically diplomatic and robust response to the deficiency in the unitary system of governance in the country currently.
Lagos State is the economic and commercial capital of the country. If the madness going all around other parts of the country is allowed to come near Lagos, then the end is near for Nigeria.
It is obvious then that the likelihood of this happening is one of the reasons behind the setting up of Amotekun.
Personally, I believe it is a great initiative that would check and combat insecurity in the Southwest. It is an innovation that would finally make the region safe enough to create the environment for the economic development of the region.
In brief…
Obasanjo is a thief! IBB and OBJ should be stoned to death- Fawehinmi
“Obasanjo is a thief…” was the outburst of Mohamed Fawehinmi, the son of the Late Gani Fawehinmi at the 16th edition of the annual Lecture held in honor of the late human rights icon.
His answer was a response to the follow up question I asked him when he said former President Olusegun Obasanjo is the richest ex-President in the world with $300 billion.
I had gone to meet him where he was seated on his customized wheel chair for an exclusive interview towards the end of the program. We were in the middle of the session when the event MC, Femi Falana brought the microphone to him to give the vote of thanks on behalf of the Fawehinmi family.
After thanking guests who honored the occasion, he then transited into the spirit of the program and you could see the Gani Fawehinmi fire in his eyes as he referred to my question earlier on “… someone asked me if I believe Obasanjo is corrupt. I say Obasanjo is a thief! He’s stolen Land, Oil, name it… Obasanjo and IBB are the problems of Nigeria. They should be stoned to death…” said Mohammed.
He refused to be cautioned by the prompting of the Falana as he continued in his anger against the two ex-Presidents.
However, the Late Ikemba of Nnewi, Dim Emeka Odumegwu Ojukwu, Mohammed said is his hero and one whose sense of leadership to the country and even to the cause of his people has become a source of inspiration to him.
Sanwo-Olu sacks Arts and Culture Commissioner
In a minor Cabinet reshuffle, Lagos State Governor, Babajide Sanwo-Olu has sacked Commissioner for Tourism, Arts and Culture, Shulamite Olufunke Adebolu. Mrs. Uzamat Akinbile-Yusuf, erstwhile Commissioner for Home Affairs has been redeployed to head the Tourism Ministry.
Her sack was tactical as the governor omitted her name from the list of commissioners redeployed.
Her portfolio had been given to another without her being redeployed to another ministry.
Olufunke’s sack may not be unconnected with the unsuccessful outing of the Greater Lagos event in December where artistes did not show up and there was no crowd to the embarrassment of the governor.
However, in the cabinet reshuffle, eight cabinet portfolios affected by the redeployment include ministries of Local Government, Special Duties, Wealth Creation and Employment, Tourism, Arts and Culture, Home Affairs as well as Waterfront Infrastructure. Others are the Central Business District and Urban Development.
According to Gboyega Akosile, the governor’s spokesman, Sanwo-Olu has moved three commissioners around, while two Special Advisers have been assigned new roles as commissioners. Affected commissioners and their new portfolios are: Commissioner for Special Duties, Dr. Wale Ahmed who has now been moved to Local Government and Community Affairs; Mrs. Yetunde Arobieke, formerly Commissioner for Local Government and Community Affairs has been moved to the Ministry of Wealth Creation and Employment.
Also, Mrs. Uzamat Akinbile-Yusuf has been moved from the Ministry of Home Affairs to the Ministry of Tourism, Arts and Culture as Commissioner.
Two former Special Advisers, Prince Anofiu Elegushi and Architect Kabiru Ahmed are now assigned to the Ministries of Home Affairs and Waterfront Infrastructure as Commissioners respectively.
The Governor, according to Akosile also announced portfolios of the new cabinet members. They are Engr. Tayo Bamgbose-Martins, Commissioner-designate (Special Duties), Mr. Oyerinde Olugbenga Olanrewaju, Special Adviser-designate (Central Business District) and Hon. Ayuba Ganiu Adele, Special Adviser-designate (Urban Development).
Okada, tricycle restriction signs on major highways, bridges
In a renewed effort towards creating awareness on the Lagos State Traffic Laws on restricted areas for the operation of motorcycles popularly called Okada and tricycles known as Keke, the Lagos State Government has commenced the installation of 2,000 prohibition signs across the metropolis.
The Commissioner for Transportation, Dr. Frederic Oladeinde disclosed that a good number of the road signs indicate restricted areas, warning that anyone that violates the law after this effort would be punished in accordance with the law.
Oladeinde explained that the road signs have been mounted on major highways including the Third Mainland Bridge, Agege Motor Road, Apapa-Oshodi Expressway, Lagos-Badagry Expressway and Lagos-Ibadan Expressway to create awareness on restricted routes for Okadas and Tricycles as prescribed by the State Government.
“We have successfully placed road signs on the Third Mainland Bridge, Agege Motor Road, Apapa-Oshodi Expressway, Lagos-Badagry Expressway, Lagos-Ibadan Expressway and other places to indicate areas that motorcyclists and tricycles are restricted and we urge that they comply for the safety of their lives and members of the public as we will apply the law on any erring Okada rider that violates our law”, the Commissioner warned.
He explained further that motorcycle and tricycle operations remain restricted on highways and bridges in all the Local Government areas including Apapa, Ikeja, Ikoyi, Surulere, Eti-Osa and Lagos Island, adding that same would be done in other areas in order to ensure that road safety culture is engraved in the consciousness of road users across the State.
The Commissioner, however, urged Lagosians to support the State government’s initiatives to tackle traffic gridlock in the metropolis, as it will provide faster results in decongesting the highways of traffic and create a seamless movement of goods and services towards improving the local economy.
